Race-based employment targets on its way

Amendments to the Employment Equity Bill will enable minister to set targets for every industry.

Adriaan KrugerMoneyweb

DearSA-employment

It will be interesting to see how businesses will react to some of the proposed amendments to the Employment Equity Act, which was to be tabled in the new parliamentary session before the coronavirus pandemic disrupted the parliamentary schedule.

One of the major changes in the proposed amendments to the act will enable the minister of labour to set specific numeral targets – based on skin colour – for different industries, sub-sectors and levels within a company. If companies don’t comply and don’t head warnings to comply, they can be fined up to R1.5 million or 2% of their annual turnover, whichever is greater.

A discussion paper on the Employment Equity Act Amendment Bill (EEAB) by Dhevarsha Ramjettan, partner at Webber Wentzel, and colleagues professional support lawyer Shane Johnson and associate Mbali Nkosi, says that the amendment bill follows the last report by the Commission for Employment Equity which revealed that top management, senior management and professional employee groups continue to be dominated by the white male population group across organisations in SA.

They noted that the report indicated that there has been some progress in making the workplace more diverse and representative. “However, massive discrepancies still remain particularly in senior positions” according to the authors.

The EEAB will empower the minister to set numerical targets for any national economic sector. The main goal of such target setting is to ensure the equitable representation of suitably qualified people from designated groups at all occupational levels in the workplace, says the paper.

The authors of the paper confirmed to Moneyweb that these numerical targets will apply to all occupational levels in the workforce, including directors of a company “who form part of the workforce”.

There are six occupational levels that employers must report on in their employment equity plan:

  1. Top management
  2. Senior management
  3. Professionally qualified & experienced specialists or mid-management
  4. Skilled technical & academically qualified junior management, supervisors, foremen or superintendents
  5. Semi-skilled employees
  6. Unskilled workers.

The department of labour gazetted the EEAB towards the end of July and the bill will be formally introduced in the National Assembly in due course. It is still subject to change and will only become effective once it had been dealt with in parliament and finally signed into law by the president.

It seems that the bill will give labour inspectors a lot of authority to demand employers to furnish employment equity plans or undertakings to furnish such plans within a specific time frame. Labour inspectors will have similar powers when it comes to policing the new racial quotas.

“Where an employer fails to comply with the numerical targets as set out in its employment equity plan, a labour inspector can request the employer to provide a written undertaking to comply within a specific time period,” says Webber Wentzel in reply to questions. “If the employer refuses to provide the written undertaking or fails to comply within the specified time period, the labour inspector can issue the employer with a compliance order which will detail a time frame for compliance and the fines that may be recommended to the Labour Court.

“If the employer still does not comply, the labour inspector can apply to the Labour Court to make the compliance order an order of court. For a first time contravention, fines can amount to R1,5 million or 2% of the employer’s turnover (whichever is greater),” according to the law firm’s review of the pending legislation.

The proposed amendments introduce a bit of relaxation of regulations for smaller businesses. The EEAB amends the definition of ‘designated employer’ by excluding employers who employ less than 50 employees and meet a turnover threshold set under the act. Such employers will not be subject to the numerical targets set under the EEA.

The purpose of these amendments, says the lawyers from Webber Wentzel, is to reduce the regulatory burden on smaller businesses.

A discussion of the EEAB on the Labournet site is harsher about some of the amendments, defining the numerical targets as “a headcount target”. It says that the amendments suggest that employers will no longer be setting their own targets in line with the economically active population as it is believed that employers are using self-imposed targets as a “shield” to evade the law by setting low targets and achieving it quickly.

It also notes that a subsection in the new legislation will allow the minister of labour to issue regulations prescribing criteria to be considered when determining a numeral target. “The minister of labour thus sets the bar for how stringent or radically transformative these targets are, and dispenses judgement on whether they were achieved or not.”

Labournet points out that the EEAB is set to promulgate a section regarding state contracts, proposing that state contracts will only be awarded to employers who have been certified as being compliant with the act. “An employer will be required to attach a certificate of compliance and/or a declaration by the employer that it complies with the relevant chapters of the act when applying for a contract with the state.

“A brand new subsection has been included which regulates when the minister may issue a certificate of compliance,” according to the review of the bill on Labournet. These criteria includes that employers meet their racial targets and that they have not failed to pay minimum wages during the last three years.

When government announced end February that the bill will start the parliamentary process soon, the SA Government News Agency voiced the opinions of Thembinkosi Mkhaliphi, chief director of labour relations at the department of labour, saying that “nothing has happened that should have happened and no real significant change has taken place” over the last 21 years.

“There has been very limited change and if we go at the rate that we’re going, it will take another 100 years before we really transform,” he said.

Mkhaliphi dismissed criticism that government setting targets will affect businesses. He maintains that current legislation states that employers can set their own targets and that the introduction of government setting the targets is not new.

“Target setting is not new, except that now government comes into the picture in setting the target. The principle of setting targets is not new, therefore it can’t be said that this is a drastic change that will affect business” he said according to the government news agency.

Business is bound to disagree strongly, voicing concerns that freedom of choice to employ people will be restricted, in much the same way as economic empowerment legislation forces companies to invite shareholders into a business, based on race rather than on their ability to supply capital.

Sars is seeking to criminalise mistakes

tax amendment

Moneyweb [Barbara Curson] 

In the preamble to the latest Tax Administration Bill, the South African Revenue Service (Sars) indicates that it proposes to “remove the requirement of intent from certain criminal offences”.

In what has become Sars’s attempt at a “tough stance” to scare taxpayers into compliance, it has taken a blunt tool to remove a higher burden of proof that an action – or an omission – had criminal intent.
Sars has already decided that any action or omission was “wilfully done”, and is therefore criminal. So why should it waste time in trying to determine this?

It seems that in Sars’s book, taxpayers cannot make an honest error (naturally this doesn’t apply to Sars’s own staff).

Bowmans partner Patricia Williams explains: “Sars wants to remove the requirement that the relevant action must have been done ‘wilfully’. This removes the requirement of criminal intent before the action is considered a crime.”

Burden of evidence

Sars has in the past attempted to “utilise the criminal offence provisions to extract funds from people”. However, to be successful, Sars had to clear the ‘wilful intent’ hurdle. This was obviously placing too high a degree of skilfulness on Sars’s auditors; after all, ‘wilful intent’ requires a heavier burden of evidence.

Says Williams: “Criminal intent already encompasses dolus eventualis – that is, foreseeing the reasonable possibility of an outcome and reconciling yourself to that. In the circumstances, gross negligence would already arguably meet the standard of something ‘wilfully’ done. What Sars is seeking to do is to criminalise mistakes.”

Many frustrated taxpayers and tax practitioners complain that Sars treats them like criminals. Well, here is the proof.
Sars intends excising ‘wilful intent’ from:

  • Paragraph 30 (employees’ tax offences) of the Fourth Schedule to the Income Tax Act (TAA);
  • Section 58 (offences in regard to compliance) of the Value-Added Tax Act; and
  • Section 234 of the Tax Administration Act.

The amendment to Section 234 of the TAA now changes an error that can be made by anyone into a criminal act, such as: the failure to notify Sars of a postal address, a physical address, banking particulars used for transactions with Sars, an electronic address used for communication with Sars, or such other details as the commissioner may require by public notice.

It is also apparent that Sars expects all taxpayers to read their public notices, even those without access to the internet or newspapers.

Further, Section 234 provides that Sars may register and allocate a taxpayer reference number to a person who is not registered. Woe betide the person who doesn’t know this, as not using this number in any communication with Sars will turn you into a criminal.

In the Draft Memorandum on the objects of the Tax Administration Laws Amendment Bill, Sars reasons that using the term “wilfully” in respect of a statutory crime is not correct, and that it is not possible to “wilfully” neglect something, and that failing to do something required by the Act could be “problematic”.

Intent

Williams is of the view that: “This is patently wrong. One can purposefully fail to submit one’s tax return, or purposefully fail to pay one’s taxes. This looks like Sars is misstating the position, in order to make the proposed [unfair] amendment seem more reasonable.”

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) is of the view “that the current wording relating to criminal offences substantially undermines the ability of Sars to ensure compliance based on the objective standard expected of the reasonable person”.

“Consequently,” it says, “this may hamper the criminal prosecution of non-compliant taxpayers by the NPA in seeking to prove the elements of the crime.”

Williams is surprised: “Since when is it justifiable to remove certain elements of a crime in order to make it easier to prosecute?”

Is it possible that the NPA, which cannot point to a successful record in making powerful criminals account for their crimes, realises that it is not competent to pull off an ‘Al Capone’ tax arrest without removing ‘wilful intent’?

As for Sars, do its problems stem from the term ‘wilful intent’ scuppering its attempts at prosecuting the big boys – or from its lack of skills, inefficiency, and having been hollowed out by state capture?

Cigarette and alcohol taxes go up even though you can’t legally buy them

One of the ironies of the times in which we live is that taxes on cigarettes and alcohol are to go up – even though there isn’t a hope in hell of government collecting any of this while there is a ban on cigarette and alcohol sales.

tax-law-amendments-DearSA

Proposed changes to tax laws have just been announced, making good on finance minister Tito Mboweni’s 2020 Budget promise to raise “sin” taxes on cigarettes and alcohol.

In his February Budget speech, Mboweni said a 340ml can of beer or cider would increase by 8c, and a 750ml bottle of wine would increase by 14c.

Excise on a box of 20 cigarettes would go up an extra 74c. Last week, government tabled the proposed changes to tax laws and rates, and invited public comment. Now might be a good time to make your voice heard.

Mboweni may not have known in February that a lockdown was coming and the tax collection projections he was banking on from cigarettes (and alcohol) would go up in smoke.

Then came the lockdown. Despite the ban on cigarette sales, 90% of smokers continuing to get their daily fix from their “dealers”. An estimated 11 million South African smokers have been criminalised, and Tax Justice SA (TJSA) estimates the loss to the fiscus of R5 billion so far. The loss is running at R35 million a day.

“The 132-day-old ban is causing untold misery for millions, robbing the fiscus of R35 million daily and destroying thousands of jobs,” says TJSA founder Yusuf Abramjee, after hearing court evidence led by cigarette manufacturer BAT against the government ban.

“Anyone who had to sit through two days of repetition, rambling and long-winded explanation by Minister Dlamini-Zuma’s lawyers will know how weak her case is,” says Abramjee. “Sadly for the three judges, they have a duty to consider the huge volumes of paperwork with which the Minister has tried to overwhelm them.

“But the President should not wait for their verdict, as patently the ban is so wrong and is doing so much harm. He should do the right thing and lift this failed prohibition immediately.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has promised to crack down on officials who break the law to profit from the pandemic after stories started emerging of politically-connected individuals scoring massive Covid-related supply contracts. Meanwhile, rumours abound of politically-connected suspects raking in profits from illegal cigarette sales.

Whether true or not, the tobacco industry in SA has been gutted, taken over by black market operators. SA Revenue Services (Sars) had spent the last decade trying to clean up the tax-dodging in this sector. It’s been set back at least a decade by the ban. The black market operators will not easily be dislodged, even when the ban is eventually lifted.

Minister of Social Development reminds South Africans to submit comments on the Victim Support Services Bill (VSS)

As we enter into Women’s month, the Minister of Social Development, Ms Lindiwe Zulu, is calling upon on all South Africans and organisations, in particular those in the fight against gender-based violence, to comment on the Victim Support Services Bill (VSS) as gazetted and published on July 17, 2020.

victim-support-DearSA

The VSS Bill is part of a critical legislative framework by Government in its endeavour to combat the scourge of crime, in particular gender-based and violent crimes. It, therefore, seeks to put the victim at the centre of the criminal justice system in order to ensure that the rights applicable to the perpetrator are also the rights entitled to the victim.

Currently the criminal justice system focuses more on the rights of an arrested person or accused person in line with section 35 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, whilst limited emphasis is placed on the rights of the victims. It also seeks to begin to bring to the attention of the courts the meaning of section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 which provides that “everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law.” Victims of gender-based violence, therefore, require this protection and benefit of the law in the same manner it is extended to the perpetrators.

The Bill begins to recognise that victims experience secondary victimisation and therefore creates a prohibition against such. It provides that secondary victimisation is illegal and needs to be prevented at all times through our service provision.

The VSS Bill stipulates the various services to be provided to the victims vis-à-vis services channelled towards the accused. It delineates the services of various stakeholders according to their mandate and expertise. This includes the DSD psychosocial support services which are linked to the provision of sheltering services.

The VSS Bill advocates specifically for the legal representation of a victim. It calls for the State to endure the legal costs for the victim in cases whereby victims wish to sue the accused for damages. It also encourages providers of services to victims to be accredited to ensure that their services comply with the norms and standards as set by the Department of Social Development for all facilities. This will include ensuring that employees of facilities are vetted against existing registers for example the Child Protection Register (CPR) and the National Sexual Offences Register (NRSO) to protect victims.

All stakeholders including the private sector and civil society organisations as well as all members of society, are encouraged to heed the call and respond with their comments in shaping a society that will advocate for justice for victims of violent crimes and gender-based violence.

By its nature, this VSS Bill is a critical part of Government’s Strategies to fight the scourge of GBVF, including the recently approved Government Strategy – the National Strategy Plan on GBV and Femicide, 2020-2030. In terms of the DSD mandate, the VSS Bill will specifically be driven through the pillar four (Response, Care, Support and Healing) of the NSP on GBVF.

The Memorandum on the objectives of the Bill and the Bill itself, may be accessed on the Department of Social Development website: www.dsd.gov.za or from Government Notice No. 43528 Government Gazette, 17 JULY 2020.

The closing date for comments is 16 September 2020.

All comments may be submitted in the following format:

  • Clause Commented on
  • Proposal
  • Motivation

All comments may be submitted to the following address / via e-mail:

(a) By Post: The Director-General: Department of Social Development Private Bag X901 Pretoria 0001

(b) On e-mail: Ms Siza Magangoe on Sizam@dsd.gov.za; or Luyanda Mtshotshisa on LuyandaMt@socdev.gov.za; or Ms Anna Sithole on Annas@dsd.gov.za

OR, click here to participate immediately on this platform

 

ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Media enquiries may be forwarded to Ms Lumka Oliphant on 083 484 8067 or LumkaO@dsd.gov.za

The evidence is in: the lockdown has been a catastrophic failure

Written by Ciaran Ryan

Four months into the pandemic we have a clearer picture of the social and economic impacts of the lockdown.

It’s a catastrophe. The lockdown could kill far more people than the virus. At end July 2020, SA had 8,000 deaths from just short of 500,000 confirmed cases, for a case fatality rate of 1.6%.  Far more people will die this year from tuberculosis and diabetes than coronavirus.

DearSA-lockdown

Yet more people will die from poverty-induced illnesses in the years to come. An April analysis by Pandemic Data Analysis (PANDA) estimated years of life lost to the pandemic to be 14 million, or 30X more than from the virus itself.

Bear in mind that around 450,000 people die in SA each year from all causes (446,554 in 2017 and 470,396 in 2016). Coronavirus is hardly going to move this needle, even slightly.

In late March 2020, the government’s official data modellers suggested 351,000 could die from Covid-19 in South Africa. PANDA was hastily formed to challenge this wild spreadsheet modelling. The team comprises actuaries, data analysts, economists and other specialists. PANDA challenged the government’s models, suggesting that it was more likely that 10,000-20,000 would die from the virus. Based on the current figures, PANDA is right on target as the virus infection curve maps a typical epidemic decline tail.

“What has happened in the last four months is the greatest social injustice in SA’s history since apartheid,” says PANDA co-founder Nick Hudson. “The lockdown is based on bad science, poor modelling and even worse judgment on the part of the government.”

The real effects will be felt in the years to come, and it won’t be from Covid. It will be from poverty and its associated effects.

It is not difficult to understand why: an estimated 6 million South Africans have suffered income contraction so far this year, and the figure will likely rise to 10 million by September. It is well known that poverty shortens lifespan. Economist Dawie Roodt estimated roughly 300,000 deaths would arise from lockdown-induced poverty, based on examples of rising death rates in countries such as Greece after the 2008 financial collapse. There is an undeniable link between economic decline and death rates.

Yet the headlines tell us that SA has the fifth-highest number of infections in the world. That’s grossly misleading, says Hudson, and an inevitable consequence of increased testing. A more instructive statistic is to look at deaths per million of population, in which case SA ranks number 36 in the world (and 22nd in terms of absolute deaths).

With the benefit of four months’ worth of data from around the world, we now know that there was little difference between countries embracing a hard lockdown and those that didn’t. The outcomes were more or less the same. There is simply no sign of the dramatic suppression of the reproduction rate that modellers assumed. Yet government has abrogated its responsibilities to a team of data modellers and epidemiologists who seem to be top-heavy with error-prone alarmists.

Nassim Taleb, author of the Black Swan and Anti-Fragility, is dismissive of economists and advisors who suffer no harm when the advice they peddle turns out to be wrong. We are in such a time now. Advisors urging extended lockdowns, as if we are living through the Black Plague, will still draw their government-guaranteed salaries at the end of the month, dispensing their wisdom via Zoom. If they were wrong at the start of the lockdown, why should we trust them now?

When the data proves them wrong, they do what self-preservation demands: double down by warning of a second and third spike in infections, lasting perhaps years.

SA is not alone in heeding advice from sources that deserve far more scrutiny than they are getting. UK epidemiologist Neil Ferguson, who had Covid-19 himself, had to walk back his original outrageous projections of 500,000 UK Covid-19 deaths, when in fact the virus has claimed less than a tenth of this.

President Donald Trump’s coronavirus czar Dr Anthony Fauci co-wrote a paper in March this year arguing (correctly) that the virus affects predominantly the old and the very sick. He predicted the mortality from Covid would not be significantly out of line with a seasonal flu. “It was remarkable that he predicted this at such an early stage in the spread of the virus,” says Hudson. “But ever since then he has been lapping up every minute of fear-mongering that he can, He’s a panic porn artist.”

Initially, most of the country seemed supportive of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s lockdown in the face of a viral attack the likes of which none of us had ever experienced. Yet we hoped it was temporary and the rights we voluntarily suspended – such as the right to work, move around freely, drink wine, smoke cigarettes, gather with friends – would be returned intact within a matter of months.

Now we’re not so sure. History teaches us that rights surrendered are seldom returned unalloyed.

Cabinet ministers and their government advisors who call for an extended lockdown based on erroneous data must be held to account. Their decisions will cause an unprecedented economic contraction of between 9% and 13% this year, but the effects in terms of poverty and declining wellness will linger for years. Blaming this on the virus and not the lockdown is the height of dishonesty.

By the end of June 2020 it was already clear that the infection curve in the Western Cape had peaked and was in decline. The same is now happening in Gauteng.

The type of modelling used in SA and elsewhere in the world is based on a completely erroneous reading of the actual data. It’s not that they lacked sufficient data on which to model their predictions. The Diamond Princess cruise ship presented data analysts with laboratory-type conditions with which to track and monitor the virus. This was a cruise ship sailing around the Pacific with 7,000 passengers, a large percentage of them old. In total, there were 12 deaths, all of them aged over 65. That’s a mortality rate of 0.2% of the ship population (in an environment in which it was difficult for anyone on self-isolate).

That presents an accurate picture of Covid’s spread in a confined environment. Yet senior academics trying to draw attention to the bogus science behind the global lockdown have been shut out of polite media circles, among them Dr Michael Levitt (born in Pretoria) of Stanford University, and Professor John Ioannidis, also of Stanford. Youtube has censored many who have questioned World Health Organisation (WHO) orthodoxy. There are dozens more senior scientists forced to get their message out on fringe podcasts and non-censored platforms. This is the “spirit of the times” in which we live, says Hudson.

Back in 1960 US-Hungarian psychiatrist Professor Thomas Szasz wrote The Myth of Mental Illness, arguing that undesirable behaviour was being medicalised and reclassified as “illness” with no science to back it up. He coined the term the “therapeutic state”. He warned us 60 years ago that the state wants dominion over our bodies and our thoughts., and would force “treatments” on us for the greater social good.

It seemed a long shot back then. Now it seems all too imminent.

Under no circumstances should a lockdown be permitted, says Hudson. “If there is a virus on the loose, people must choose their own risk-mitigation strategies. If you are afraid of the virus, then self-isolate, but you cannot force others to do the same.

“There’s something terribly wrong when you deny ordinary people agency in their own lives and their own health. People should be able to choose to stay at home, but have no right to force you to stay home. We want herd immunity, because that is how all epidemics are conquered.” It appears that the Western Cape is fast reaching that point in precisely the fashion projected by PANDA.

We need to demand our government acts on sound explanations and data. Because when this blows over and South Africans survey the wreckage, they will look for someone to blame.

Why we should be concerned about the R20 billion additional funding to municipalities

Municipalities are to get R20 billion in additional funding to ride them through the Covid-19 crisis, but given their track record of irregular spending, residents and rates payers have a right to be concerned that this money will be properly spent.

DearSA-municipal-handout

The cause for concern comes from the Auditor-General’s (AG) 2019 Municipal Report which suggests 60% of revenue reflected on the books of municipalities will never be paid. Even before the Covid-19 crisis, there was an alarming pattern of individuals and businesses showing signs of a diminishing ability to pay for services, or simply refusing to pay.

This has devastated revenue in many municipalities, reducing their ability to meet service delivery expectations. The Department of Cooperative Governance is about to launch a National Responsible Citizenry Campaign across all 257 municipalities in the hopes of restoring a culture of payment.

But such a campaign sinks or swims on the economic fortunes of households and businesses. We know from the July 2020 TransUnion Consumer Financial Hardship Study that 80% of those surveyed reported a negative impact from the Covid-19 crisis. Shockingly, 17% of “impacted consumers” reported losing their jobs compared to 10% in the previous survey.

South Africans are in dire financial straits. This does not augur well for any campaign to restore a culture of payment in municipalities. The culture of non-payment was already well entrenched before Covid-19, but will have severely deepened In the last three months of the lockdown.

Quite in addition to this, the AG report points to a shocking culture of financial mismanagement and corruption in municipalities. Only 8% of the 257 municipalities received clean audits in the 2017-8 financial year, and half of them had financial statements deemed “quality”. Irregular expenditure totalled R32 billion and the likely financial loss from material irregularities came to R24 billion.

South Africans need to be especially vigilant when an additional R20 billion is being directed to already dysfunctional municipalities.

The Parliamentary Monitoring Group (PMG) reports the growing concerns of opposition parties relating to how this R20 billion will be distributed and what mechanisms will be put in place to monitor this spending.

There are valid concerns that municipalities will become semi-permanent wards of National Treasury, which means taxpayers will ultimately be responsible for their financial survival. The municipal funding models are shattered and an entirely new model will have to be found over the longer term.

Rate payers are becoming more active and engaged in local governance, and this is likely to be the most powerful force for establishing a culture of accountability and service delivery at local government level, says DearSA programme director, Rob Hutchinson.

“Municipal governance has been allowed to sink to these appalling levels because there was no proper oversight. This is changing, but it needs to happen far quicker. We cannot end up with a completely broken local government sector that relies more and more on bailouts from central government. We will be keeping a close eye on this R20 billion in additional funding for municipalities to see that it is not squandered through theft, corruption and maladministration.”

One of the areas of efficiency being explored by the DCoG is improved supply chain management – for example, “pool financing” for municipalities that have identified projects on municipal boundaries such as the Lanseria Airport project which lies on the border of the City of Johannesburg and the City of Tshwane.

Municipalities will be able to apply for licences to distribute electricity as a way of raising additional revenue. Programmes are being conceived by Treasury and SA Local Government Association (SALGA) to improve the local government fiscal framework. Municipalities will be required to report weekly to National Treasury for money allocated through the Covid-19 relief scheme.

The DCoG will introduce an Intergovernmental Monitoring, Support and Intervention Bill to provide further oversight of municipal fiscal management and spending.

The AG will continue to audit these entities and now has more robust powers to bring municipal thieves to book.

But we are still not satisfied that this will solve the problems mentioned above. For this reason, DearSA is redoubling its efforts to bring accountability to the local government sector by running various participative democracy campaigns at municipal level.

If there is one thing that terrifies errant municipal officers, it is the voice of the public. DearSA is providing that voice.

More than R1 billion spent on commissions of inquiry for such meagre dividends

More than R1 billion. That’s the cost of various commissions of inquiry in recent years, most of them investigating corruption.

commission-of-inquiry-DearSA

The granddaddy of them all is the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into state capture, which has been allocated an additional R130 million to complete its work by March 2021. This is on top of the roughly R700 million spent so far on the inquiry since its formation in early 2018.

Total cost of Zondo Commission: R830 million.

Number of corrupt officials in jail: 0.

To be fair, Zondo has not completed its work and arrests will surely follow. In June this year, Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo asked the Hawks to account for the lack of progress made in recovering the R2.4 billion paid by Passenger Rail Agency of SA (Prasa) to Swifambo Rail easing for locomotives that could not be used because they were too tall for the rail tracks.

Zondo has summoned the Hawks to account for the lack of progress on this, and other, cases.

South Africans are rightly outraged at the regular outpouring of corrupt tales from Zondo and other commissions of inquiry, and the fact that few have been held to account.

Moneyweb reports there were eight arrests related to the looting at VBS Bank, and four executives from Tubular Construction and Eskom were arrested late last year in relation to claims of corruption around contracts awarded for the building of the Kusile Power Station.

That’s about it. A dozen arrests, but no convictions as yet. And a few people lost their jobs.

Is this a decent return on investment on the roughly R1 billion spent on commissions of inquiry over the last few years? Let’s take a look.

Why the cost of Zondo has escalated

We have only a rough idea how the Zondo Commission budget was spent, thanks to answers provided by the ruling party in September last year to questions posed by the DA. Some R244.5 million was spent in the year the commission was set up (2018/19) and R111 million the following year. The big-ticket costs were legal fees (R53 million), investigative tools (R35 million), investigators (R86 million) and “other goods and services” (R95 million).

We don’t have more recent figures, which have obviously ballooned over the last financial year.

In July 2019, President Cyril Ramaphosa set up a special tribunal under the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) to recover an estimated R14.7 billion in looted funds.

Let’s take a look at some of the other commissions of inquiry and assess their overall benefit to the country.

Marikana Inquiry cost R153 million

2012 was a low point for the SA Police Services, when 34 mineworkers were shot and 78 wounded during a violent strike at Lonmin’s Marikana platinum mine in North West province. A Commission of Inquiry was set up in 2012 and sat through till 2015. It was chaired by retired Judge Ian Farlam, and in 2015 issued its findings, which included recommendations of a further inquiry into the fitness of senior police officials to hold office, and referred the killings and assaults to the Director of Public Prosecutions for further investigation.

The cost of the inquiry was R153 million. Police say they acted in self-defence, but issued no apology to the families of the slain miners. There has, however, been a noticeable change in police behaviour in handling violent protests as a result of the Marikana massacre.

Seriti Commission into arms deal cost R130 million

Open Secrets reports that the Seriti Commission in Inquiry into the arms deal, which ran for four years, cost taxpayers more than R130 million. It is reckoned that the arms deal cost South Africa R65 billion, and Judge Willie Seriti, who chaired the inquiry, was accused by more than 40 civil society organisations of conducting a whitewash of corrupt dealmaking by senior political figures in collaboration with international arms companies. Corruption Watch and Open Secrets accused Seriti of failing in his duty to act impartially, failing to hold accountable those accused of corruption and ignoring key evidence. In August 2019 the North Gauteng High Court set aside the findings of the Seriti Commission for its “manifest failure” to hold those responsible for the arms deal to account.

PIC Inquiry cost R54.5 million

The Commission of Inquiry into the PIC was set up in 2019 to investigate any impropriety surrounding investment decisions made by the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). The cost of the commission came to R54.5 million – small change compared to Zondo. The PIC manages more than R2 trillion in funds, predominantly on behalf of public sector workers.

The Commission found multiple irregularities relating to loans and share swaps made to the Sekunjalo Group, and recommended a forensic review of all process involved in transactions with Sekunjalo. Further irregularities were found in the PIC’s R1 billion investment in a Mozambican pal oil plant called S&S Refinery, and a R9.4 billion equity and loan funding transaction to Steinhoff International Holdings. A reading of the final report shows numerous violations of internal policies and irregular funding to business deals, some of them clearly “deals for pals.” The PIC was also heavily invested in the VBS Bank, which was found to have looted municipalities around the country.

As a result of the Inquiry into the PIC, there were some positive outcomes. Dan Matjila resigned as CEO of the PIC in November 2018 while fighting claims of impropriety which are now under an internal investigation. Executive head of listed investments, Fidelis Madavo, and assistant portfolio manager Victor Seanie, were fired over the last year. This followed an internal investigation into a R4.3 billion investment by the PIC into AYO Technology Solutions. Daily Maverick reports that in April 2018, PIC’s executive head of risk management, Paul Magula‚ was fired after being found guilty of poor performance, while executive head for legal counsel‚ governance and compliance, Ernest Nesane‚ resigned.

Nugent Commission of Inquiry cost R8.8 million

Retired Judge Robert Nugent chaired the Commission of Inquiry into tax administration and governance at the SA Revenue Service, at a total cost of R8.8 million. Nugent rounded on former tax commissioner Tom Moyane who had seized control of Sars and “dismantled the elements of governance one by one.”

The findings are scathing, and point to a pattern of governance failures and weakening revenue collection under his watch. President Ramaphosa fired Moyane in 2018 as a result of the Nugent findings.

A 2014 benchmarking exercise by the International Monetary Fund found that Sars was world class in 15 of 27 categories, and only one rung below good international practice in one of the remaining 12 categories. It was a place of higher calling for many skilled professionals eager to build a new democratic SA, says Nugent’s report.

But by March 2018 it was a shadow of the organisation lauded by the IMF. It reeked of intrigue, fear, suspicion and mistrust. Moyane installed CCTV cameras to surveille his staff, some of whom covered the lenses for fear of ending up in disciplinary hearing for a misdemeanor.

The modernisation programme that had been a decade in the making, replacing the largely paper-based system that preceded it with state-of-the-art computer systems, was summarily stopped when Moyane took over the helm, “with not so much as a word to the person who had been instrumental in creating it.” US-based consulting firm Bain & Co had a destructive hand in dismantling working installations without consulting staff. Bain subsequently repaid R217 million to Sars.

Mokgoro Board of Inquiry into National Prosecuting officials cost R3.6 million

The Mokgoro Board of Inquiry into the fitness of advocates Nomgcobo Jiba and Lawrence Mrwebi to occupy the top positions in the National Prosecuting Authority cost the country R3.6 million. Jiba was accused of being politically captured by former President Jacob Zuma.

The bottom line

Overall, we think this is a rather poor dividend on the more than R1 billion spent over recent years on various commissions of inquiry.

Amendment to law allows the state to prosecute for sexual offences more than 20 years after the fact

sex-offenders-amendment-bill-DearSA

Proposed amendments to the law will make it possible to prosecute sex offenders decades after the offences were committed – unlike the existing Criminal Procedures Act which allows for a 20 year window in which to bring prosecutions.

DearSA requested expert legal opinion on the proposed amendments from attorneys Hurter Spies.” This is a crucial amendment to our criminal legal framework, and we wanted to ensure that the voices of victims are properly heard at the highest levels of government,” says DearSA programme director Rob Hutchinson. “Parliament should be commended for its work in bringing our criminal laws into conformity with the Constitution and our legal opinion reflects that position.”

In keeping with its mandate to ensure broad public participation in all matters governance-related, DearSA requested an expert legal opinion to ensure that ordinary South Africans have a say in the shaping of these legal amendments. The Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill, 2018, was introduced in Parliament on 30 May 2018 as a result of the Constitutional Court judgment delivered in the now infamous “Frankel Eight” case.

However, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development briefed the Portfolio Committee of Justice and Correctional Services on the proposed amendment without asking interested parties to comment. DearSA believes these amendments are of broad public interest and are therefore deserving of public comment.

The proposed amendments will also broaden the net of sex victims to include not just children, but adults. This follows a Constitutional Court ruling in 2018 that required Parliament to amend a number of laws to conform with the Constitution.

The genesis of these amendments goes back to the infamous case of Sidney Frankel, the billionaire former stockbroker, who died in 2017 before having a chance to face eight accusers who claimed they had been sexually assaulted and raped as children.

The so-called Frankel Eight came forward in 2013 with startling allegations against the former stockbroker.  They alleged they had been sexually assaulted by Frankel between 1970 and 1989 when they were aged between 6 and 15 years old and had suffered physical, emotional, and psychological trauma thereafter.

Frankel passed away in April 2017 shortly before getting his day in court, but he would in any event be able to claim that the 20 year ”prescription” since the time of the sexual abuse had lapsed. In other words, the victims had waited too long to bring their claims of criminal sexual assault.

The Director of Public Prosecutions for Gauteng refused to bring a prosecution against Frankel on the grounds that the Criminal Procedures Act debars prosecution for sex crimes more than 20 years after the fact.

Not satisfied with this outcome, the Frankel Eight in 2017 brought a case before the Johannesburg High Court to have the 20 year prescription (time period allowed for the launching of legal proceedings) outlined in the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA) of 1977 declared unconstitutional.

The legal case was a success, the court ruling that section 18 of the Criminal Procedure Act was unconstitutional in barring victims of sexual abuse from launching legal proceedings after a period of 20 years had elapsed from the time the offence was committed.

The finding was appealed by the estate of Sidney Frankel, and eventually found its way to the Constitutional Court for confirmation of the Joburg High Court’s ruling. The Joburg High Court also ruled that not only was the 20 year prescription unconstitutional, but also the law fact that relevant sections of the CPA applied only to children.

The Constitutional Court agreed with the Joburg High Court and gave Parliament 24 months to amend the section 18 of the CPA so that it conforms with the Constitution.

In January 2019, Parliament decided to draft amendments to section 18 of the Criminal Procedure Act, 1977, and section 12 of the Prescription Act, 1969.

The amendment to the CPA extends the list of sexual offences for which prescription does not apply. In other words, there will be no longer be a 20 year expiration date for bringing legal action, and the range of sex offences will be broadened considerably.

Amendments to the Prescription Act will make it possible for victims of sexual offences o institute legal proceedings even where they have deemed to have suffered ‘‘mental or intellectual disability, disorder or incapacity’’, rather than “insanity” as in the current wording of the Act.

The range of sexual offences for which prosecutions may be instituted include rape, compelled rape (where someone is compelled to witness a sex act) or using a child or person who is mentally disabled for pornographic purposes.

Perpetrators of sexual offences may now be subject to both criminal and civil proceedings on a wider range of offences, irrespective of when the crimes took place.

The purpose of these amendments is to encourage survivors of sexual offences to reports these matters so that perpetrators are not left to roam free.

“We are also cognisant of the fact that our criminal justice system still has to undergo more substantive reforms in order to systemically address any secondary victimization experienced by survivors in the criminal justice system,” says Daniel Eloff, attorney with Hurter Spies. “We believe the proposed amendments will undoubtedly pass constitutional muster as it is a direct response to a declaration of unconstitutionality by the Constitutional Court.”

 

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Student financial aid rife with corruption and maladministration

The Department of Higher Education and Training is calling for nominations for the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS). The nominations must be submitted by the first week of August 2020.

DearSA-NSFAS

Perhaps its time the public paid more attention to what is happening with student aid, and to get strong public and taxpayer representation on NSFAS.

The NSFAS has an annual budget in excess of R30 billion and employs about 400 people.

“There is no question that free or subsidised higher education is a great equaliser. It allows students from poor families to reach the highest levels of academia and then leverage that education in the job market,” says DearSA’s Rob Hutchinson.

“Given the huge annual budget under NSFAS control and the reports of maladministration that have dogged it in the past, we need to pay close attention to who gets appointed to the board and so represent the public and taxpayer interest.”

We should also be wary of any governmental scheme giving away free money, as experience has shown that this is a bottomless pit for crooks.

A rather shocking piece of news reported in March this year is irregular expenditure in NSFAS amounted to R7.5 billion in 2017 and 2018 due to maladministration.

Jaw-dropping figures like this seem to be rather routine in NSFAS.

NSFAS administrator Dr Randall Carolissen attributed this to irregular records in the system, resulting in wrong payments to the wrong students at the wrong time. It is estimated that up to R2 billion of these funds were irrecoverable.

Who can forget the luckiest student alive, Sibongile Mani of Walter Sisulu University, who in 2017 received R14 million instead of R1,400 from NSFAS by mistake and blew more than R800,000 of this before being caught out.

In 2018 the Hawks arrested six staffers at Unisa, including the payroll administrator, for creating ghost students to defraud the SA Agency for Science and Technology (SAAST), under the administration of the National Research Foundation of South Africa. The amounts involved in this case totalled R1.7 million.

There’s also potential for those in charge of bursary funds to favour family and friends. Also in 2018 it was reported that then North West Premier Supra Mahumapelo’s son had received a R1.1 million bursary from Denel to study at an elite aviation school in Port Alfred.

Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan instructed Denel to launch an internal investigation into the matter, and also called for a criminal investigation into possible abuse of public money.

The Parliamentary Monitoring Group (PMG) last week reported that the Department of Higher Education and Training had been instructed by Treasury to reduce its budget by 20%, amounting to R19.5 billion, though only half of this had so far been deducted from its budget. NSFAS is reported to be expecting a drop in the collection of recoveries due to the impact of Covid-19 on the economy. An amount of R4.9 million will be reprioritised for Covid-19 impacts. NSFAS has objected to the suspension and reallocation of funds for students.

The NSFAS is a statutory body established to allocate funds for loans and bursaries for higher education students. Those who qualify for loans are required to pay them back once they graduate and start working.

The NSFAS board as a whole must be representative of the higher education system, with knowledge of higher education and “its role in meeting the reconstruction and development needs” of the country. The board should also have financial expertise and experience.

If you have any nominations you would like to suggest (perhaps even yourself) send your CV and a letter of consent indicating the nominee’s availability to serve on the board If appointed to mampane.g@dhet.gov.za.

Carbon Tax: Dangers and opportunities

And what it means for companies.
DearSA-carbon-tax

Many South African companies face unprecedented dangers amid the coronavirus crisis, with the economic impact of the lockdown on an already contracting economy.

In these circumstances it is vital for any company to plan their tax affairs carefully.

Hence the focus by Cova Advisory on new Carbon Tax details, which have only recently been published by the Treasury.

Understanding them is challenging, not least because there is not yet total clarity on all aspects of the regulations and how to claim each and every allowance.

However, failing to examine, to assess and then to act will mean that company executives are neglecting an opportunity to make savings – especially on a tax some corporates are resistant to pay in the first place.

A concern with the Carbon Tax is the way in which information and legislation has dribbled out, in a frustratingly unpredictable way after the tax has been implemented. It is vital that all the rules around the carbon tax are clear so that companies can plan to reduce their carbon footprint and thereby reduce their carbon tax liability. The fundamental purpose of the tax is to change behaviour, and by implication, a business will want to pay as little as possible.

We attempted to tackle this in a recent webinar, which looked at some of the allowances under the Carbon Tax Act, and the ways to reduce your carbon tax liability.  Some of the main messages are summarised below.

For anyone who is not familiar with the structure of the Carbon Tax Act, the tax is levied on the direct emissions of a company over a calendar year.

The act was signed into law on May 23, 2019, and became effective on June 1, 2019. The design of the tax includes a number of tax-free allowances, which effectively reduce the amounts which need to be paid over to the fiscus.

Regulations have been published for these tax-free allowances. Most recently, the regulations for trade-exposed sectors were published. In addition, we now have the regulation for the allowance if a company is able to emit lower emissions than others in their sector.

We almost have a complete picture, but one more part of the Carbon Tax that is crucial for claiming the allowances is yet to be launched – and that is the carbon offsets administration system and its associated guidelines.

So, what is new?

We now have a better idea of what it means for a company to be considered as trade-exposed, and how it must go about claiming the allowance.

Companies that are trade-exposed are those which face competition from products that are imported or exported. Companies that manufacture products locally and are subject to the Carbon Tax may become less competitive if the same products are being imported and are not subject to a Carbon Tax. For this reason, the National Treasury included a tax-free allowance of up to 10% for these companies.

There is a sector-based approach, where the trade intensity index of each industry sectors is defined, and the allowances are allocated using a sliding-scale approach.  However, there are provisions for companies which operate in more than one sector.

The approach seems logical, but there are still some uncertainties that exist with the determination of company-specific trade-exposure allowances, relating to the type of import, export and production data to be used. In addition, there isn’t clarity on auditing requirements.

Further calculation and analysis will also be needed by a company when it comes to claiming an allowance under the Performance Benchmark Regulations.

The regulations include a set of greenhouse gas intensity benchmarks for certain sectors, and the better a company performs against these benchmarks in containing its emissions, the higher the allowance – which is capped at 5%.

However, it isn’t always clear how these benchmarks are calculated as the methodologies will need to be requested, the measurement and verification requirements of the regulations are not defined, and some sectors have been left out.

In addition to all of this, there are further areas to explore in reducing your Carbon Tax burden.

There is a Renewable Energy Premium credit which will reduce the Carbon Tax for entities which generate electricity from green technology, such as wind and solar. Details of the rates for each renewable energy type have now been published and will be updated annually.

Finally, companies must consider the carbon offset allowance for firms that have undertaken a carbon-offset project – that is a project which results in emission reductions and which has been registered under an accredited standard.

The administrative rules on this are incomplete – as we still await a carbon offset administration system to create a South African based registry for carbon credits. It is the system that will be used to transfer carbon credits from an international registry into South African Carbon Credits which can then be used as a carbon offset allowance to reduce your Carbon Tax liability.

To conclude, then, companies need to ensure that as a starting point to manage their Carbon Tax liability, they need to quantify their gross tax liability and then fully understand which allowances are worth pursuing.

There are still some gaps and uncertainties in the Carbon Tax legislation – but one thing which is certain is that it can make financial sense to invest time and effort to get the most out of the trade exposure, performance benchmark and carbon offset allowances.

Zelda Burchell is manager at Cova Advisory.